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......................

The Total State

The secular religion of the self and it's legal code and mass mood intimidation is now excersing power and propaganda across all dimensions of society.

Politics, the established church, the public sector (especially schools and commerce and the voluntary sector all are now active promoters of godless "New Britian" ( to use Newsnights phrase on the opening night of the 2012 Olympics - just a year after the London riots).

 

The godless cult has now entered all the dimensions of the nation's life.

This force of ruin and dissolution cannot be stopped by a service economy, it cannot be stopped by immigration or an immigratin amnesty it cannot

 

 

All About Us

 

Elegy

 (For the nation that threw it all away)
 
After 50 year 0f msep disol the nation enters the final phase . the critical mass of the elements of dtg are now tying tog bound together to create a velocity of political disturbance. Th rtrt frm the e rel,
the implos of mar anda soc ibonds and wider loc and nat soc fab.
econ pol are now fused tog to iret alter the nat. Th push for ref on e s n ar simply the expr of this fusion  alto the final manif wil and msut be constitutional.
 
The new constit will be along the lines of Sec ncp, fed not a sing nat rep not cmon, individusalist (anoiagway) not family, servile service mkptl not nat and indust and 
 

Hollow Nation (Immediate Effects)

It has gone. The UK is now a shell. A brittle casing full of the msep vapour trail of it's past.

The trtrt frm o cp rel must hv conseq. Most immediately it has conseq in the immed socil dimesion, in the nature of our relat with ourselves, our family and the wider local network.

frm the soc dim we inofrm ourslvs and mak judg abt how we and others shld bhve insociety.

Fatherless or multifather units, anti-religous marriage imitaion cerromnies celebrated by "celebrants" (one tv programme now recreates the planning for a wedding that is not a wedding and another one only allows the participants to meet at the ceromon))

 polite

 

 

Cultureless

 

 

 

Y

ou have heard the rest now hear the United Kingdom's leading alternative politician.

Stewart Connell is On Tour Speaking Across the United Kingdom

"Why the UK is in a mess and how to get out of it"

ou have heard the rest now hear the United Kingdom's leading alternative politician.

Stewart Connell is On Tour Speaking Across the United Kingdom

"Why the UK is in a mess and how to get out of it"

 

 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
So much could have been avoided.
 
Even as late as the 1980's Britain retained a national substance and imprinted character.
 
Protected by our religion, constitution and our island fortress, the warp and woof of social and economic moods could come and go with no essential effect.
 
By 1990 the 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
The Nation That Threw It All Away
 
"You get the politics you deserve"
 
At the religous level - the primary level - of the foundations of Britain

 

 

 

 1st September 2018

The Conservative Party

is the Problem Not the Answer

 

The Conservative Party is "putting it about" that by joining and voting for the Conservative Party, those who want Britain to be Britain will get what they want under a "new" Leader as a result of mass entryism, this is a cheap ploy to get them votes.

Remember.

The Conservative Party has legislated and facilitated the dissolution of Britain for fifty years.

 

Edward Heath

Margaret Thatcher

John Major

Tony Blair

Gordon Brown

David Cameron

Theresa May

 

Five out of seven of the principal actors in the the dissolution of Britain have been the Leader of the Conservative Party.

 

Boris Johnson has spent his entire political life standing on pro EU manifesto's.

He stood on a pro EU Manifesto in May 2015. In March 2016 he ditched that commitment and refused to submit his reversal in a by election.

He is pro Immigration.

He is pro Immigration Amnesty.

He is pro Gig, Uber and Deliveroo economy.

He is pro Secularisation.

Boris Johnson is well qualified to be the next Leader of the Conservative Party.

 

 

 

 

 

.......................................

 

 

 

Under The Cosh

 

The recent low rate of strikes and sick days is proof that the British people are now firmly under the cosh of the

the Conservative and Labour establsihments 50 year programme of national destruction.

With all the bonds of religion, society, economy and politics being loosened there is now no opposition to the untrammeld force of selfishness and the profit motive in society and the marketplace. 

In Shell State Britain the Gig, Uber and Deliveroo is the consequent market model (and variants) business model. 

The shift of power to business organisations assisted by mass employment of women mass immigration and the marginalisation of male employment has led to a mass submissive and compliant labour pool.

No Freedom of Religion

 Under the Equality and Diversity Cult 

Glasgow Caledonian University Roman Catholic Chaplain, Mark Maurice has been removed from his university post for practicing his faith in his parish church.

 In a parish devotion, a rosary of reparation for the gross offence to God which is "Pride" Glasgow was held.

The "Pride" event is part of a highly political (the Conservative and Labour parties are facilitators and promoters of it - using public money and resources) and corpratised propaganda machine designed to "transform" British Chistian society into a godless service state by removing the Christian foundations from our nation and constitution.

 On hearing about the devotion, Glasgow Caledonian said it was "disapointed" and stressed that it had a strongly inclusive culture and actively respected and promoted equality and diversity.

commonrepresentation.org.uk supports the freedom of religion and worship and the right of the Reverend Maurice to practise his faith without punishment.

... 

Breech of the Constitution

 The Politicisation of the British Army

 lt is against the established precepts of our constitution order for the British Army Royal Navy and RAF (and the Police) to publically endorse or participate in any political demonstration.

The active participation in and promotion of the political demonstration called "Pride" (which campaigns for the erosion and removal of our Christian constitution and society) by the British Army, Royal Navy and the Royal Air Force and from this year the Royal Marines is a breech of our constitution.

The ban on the armed forces participating in any political demonstration must be restored.

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...

 ...

The Last Middle Class

For five decades the middle class thought that the progressive changes that they either voted for or ignored would not effect them.

Now they are begining to realise that they were wrong.

Their selfish abandonment of our national religion social bonds across the classes- our sCXBVerious NATIONAL ECONOMY struc tured fora national purposes not profit our military not least our navy activwely attached to ourcoastline and our parliamentarypolitical system

 

 

 

The Right and The Wrong

Many of the shock jocks on the right agitate for Britain that is not Britain but a Britain that is a secular selfish marketplace.

A judgementless society driven by individualist (and not in a good way) appatites (all short term) operating in a marketplace of silo lifestyles.

A state were the national collective dimension has been dismantled.

It is an entity that drapes itself in the Union Jack but rather than campaign for the restoration of the established church and it's cultural empowerment it rejects the Christian tenets.

Britain can only be Britain if it reaffirms it's Christian Protestant established religion.

Britain's parliamentary unity and freedoms and settled society were all established upon it.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Circuit

A nation must have a border that is a circuit if it does not it is not a nation

 

Compelled Speech UK

Implode

Recall

Tommy Robinson and the Constitution Again

The Judgement by the Chief Judge xxxx

on the Tommy Rbinson Appeal case is a damming indicment of the arrest and imprisonment - in a single day - of Tommy Robinson.

It is evidence of the totalitarian "progressive"state that Britain has become.

No dissent is permitted against the tenents of the "New Britain" especially immigration and the secular religion of the Equality and Diversity Code.

 

 

The decision of the Church of Scotland Assembly in 2009 to depart from Scripture and in it's place submit to the equality and diversity code  confirmed in law the depature of the church

 

 

 

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 ...

 

 

 

The Singer and The Song

 

 

 

 "Teach your kids to recognise and to despise all the propaganda

 

 

 

Filtered down by the dead echelons mainstream media"

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 "My Love, I'd Do Anything For You"

 

 

 

By

 

 

 

Morrisey

 

 

 

From the album "Low in High School"

 

 

 

 

===============================================================

 

The Signing of the Covenant 1638

 

by William Allan

 

 

The Signing of the Covenant 1638

by William Allan

 

The Signing of the Covenant 1638

by William Allan

 

 

Stewart Connell

 

Founder

commonrepresentation.org.uk

3rd August 2018

 

"The British people are about to be tested like they have never been tested before (including 1939).

They must either reaffirm their nationhood through the ballot box or become something else."

 

 

commonrepresentation.org.uk

bup.org.uk

 

...

 

...

 

Stewart Connell

News Release

 

New Party Now

Former Conservative Parliamentary Candidate Calls for New Party to Rebuild Britain.

 

Former Conservative Parliamentary Candidate Stewart Connell has called for a new party to defeat

the Conservative and Labour parties.

Speaking on a UK book tour in support of his book "Union Glue" in York and Glasgow Stewart Connell has said

"Britain is now a shell state, for fifty years it has been hollowed out morally, socially, economically, millitarily and

politically by the Conservative and Labour parties.

The Fake Exit from the Eurostate has highlighted how exposed Britain now is.

A new party must now emerge and defeat the Conservative and Labour parties at the ballot box. 

Only a new party can rebuild and restore Britain as Britain.

 End

 

Note

Stewart Connell was the Scottish Conservative and Unionist Party Candidate in North Ayrshire and Arran in 2005

He came second defeating the SNP

 

In 2011 Stewart Connell  established commonrepresentatioin.org.uk which campaigns

It

 

 

.....

 

 

 

 

 

 

British Unionist Party

 

Putting Our Country Back Together

 

BUP

bup.org.uk

 

British Steel

 

2018

The British are about to be tested like they have never been tested before.

It is time to show the Conservative and Labour parties (and the rest)

what the British are made of.

 

bup.org.uk

 

...

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

and the "equality and diversity" provisions removed from the British Armed Forces and Police.

 

 

in law and regulatio.

 

 

 ....

The equality and diversisty cult is now the central code of behaviour endorsed and promoted by the Ministry of Defence and is designed to alter and dissolve the traditions, esprit de corps and masculine character of the of British Army.

 

 

 The Oath taken by all SOLDIERS AND oFFICERS IN THE bRITISH aRMY IS An Oath to a Christian Soveriegn not a political cult intent on the demolition of our NATION.

 

 

 

  The Christian standards and precepts which are the foundations of the British Armed forces moral and traditions must be restored.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

...

 

 

 

 Why Britain Needs the British Unionist Party

 

 

 

For 50 years the Conservative and Labour parties have been throwing away all the elements that made Great Britain: our Christian established religion, our common social bonds, our serious national economy, our armed forces and our parliamentary representative democracy.

 

The fake exit from the Eurostate is simply the trigger that highlights the empty shell state that Britain has become.

 

the bup will restore what has been thrown away rebuild repair and regenerate.

 

This cannot be done by marginal action tweaks or "make do" approaches.

 

We must have decisive action on a dramatic scale to restore Britain

 

An example of the sscale of change required is the size of the Britiah army

 

currently 76,000 there is no point in increasisng this by 10 or 20 thousand our economy must be built on defence

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Politics of Architecture:

 

Scale and Substance

 

 

 

The destruction of Glasgow between 1960 and 1980

 

reflects the politics and short term approach to architecture by the City Council and can be nfound in oither cities across the United Kingdom.

 

 

 

The

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Introducing.....

 

The Director of BBC News

 

(The BBC has a budget of £5 billion and 20,000 staff)

 

 

 

Fran Unsworth is the Director of BBC News and Current Affairs.

 

The independent grammer school educated BBC employee is paid £340,000 a year.

 

Since 2013 she has updated her BBC Blog five times.

 

.....

 

 

 

 

 

Extremist ?

 

 

 

 

 

2nat

 

The National Question and The Answer

 

 Since it's establishment in April 201l, commonrepresentation.org.uk has called for the shifting of the political plates in the United Kingdom through the formal (rather than the current informal) organisationational merger of the Conservative and Labour (and other) parties that all endorse and promote the disolution of Britain as a Christian industrial nation and it's "transformation" into a godless service sector state.

 

In tandem with the formal consolidation of the Conservative and Labour parties (all pro immigration, pro EU, pro devolution and pro "progressive" social revolution) we have called for the emergence of a new national party (see BUP page) dedicated to restoring and rebuilding Britain as Britain.

 

The new party option is now, at last, increasingly finding traction across public opinion as seen dramatically in a recent opinion poll.

 

The general public are now witnessing daily the emptiness of Shell State Britain in 2018.

 

Their lives have been limited and ruined by the Conservative and Labour parties dissolution of Britain for over fifty years.

 

They are now drifting in a sea of lonlieness, poverty and debt, tied only to the cult of "work".

 

The Fake Exit of Britain from the Eurostate has simply highlighted the consequence of throwing away of all the moral, social, economic and political elements of our nation.

 

Increasingly the civil service (because it knows what is happening and is fearful) and business (because they are rich and fear for their profits) are issuing warnings and making preparations for public disorder, "civil unrest" and chaos.

 

The overiding question at issue today (comprising immigration, the Eurostate, legislative devolution and other profound matters) is should Britain be Britain or become something else?

 

In our parliamentary system it is only through contained parliamentary democratic conflict on the floor of the House of Commons (rather than outside on the streets) between two opposing constellations of opinion, one openly offering the end of Britain and one offering the restoration of Britain as Britain will the National Question be answered and resolved, one way or another.

 

 

 

 

 

.....

 

 https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/jul/23/new-party-brexit-far-right-ukip

 

The Regressive Revolution

 

 

 

From Commerce to Education to the Public sector to the Voluntary sector,

 

all parts of national life are now being recuited to endorse, facilitate and promote

 

promote the  Regressive Revolution that is currently filling the void inside Shell StateBritain.

 

 

 

Since the 1960's the Regressive Revolution (it described itself the "progressive" revolution) has

 

sought, largely successfully, to reverse the authentic progress of the British nation state.

 

Since the Glorious Revolution in 1688-1690, Britain made evolutionary parliamentary progress in every field of national activity.

 

 

 

Since the Regressive Revolution in the 1960's Britian has regressed in every field of national activity, of course

 

 

 

 

 

Education

 

 

 

 

 

Establishment Nemisis

 

Having disintegrated the United Kingdom morally socially economically politically constitutionally governmentatlly and administratively for fifity years the Conservative and Labour establishment are now disintegrating itself.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

...

 

 

 

 

 

 

Support commonrepresentation.org.uk continue it's work

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

...

 

can matters small and large be resolved.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Parliamentary general elections contain the singular authority of the British people and when held parties offering different manifesto's are

 

 

 

A

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

- it is happening.

 

The forces working for the disintegration of the UK msep always had the plan to use a referendum on EU membership in order to prevent a new party emerging to restore British independence.

 

Summer 2018 sees Britain on the cusp of deciding on it's very existence as a christian industrial nation or a godless service sector vassal state.

 

The hieghtening of the political recent street demonstrations reflect this.

 

 

 

The political plates are shifting, the

 

18 articles

 

 

 

E and D - Coming to You Very Soon

 

The Equality and Diversity cult has nothing to do with equality or diversity. It is a political project designed to remove the Christian foundation of British society and replace it with a Godless, debt based society full of lonley individuals tied to the cult of work and conformity of thoughtand behaviour. 

 

 

 

The Formula

 

The BBC is using it's resources including a £4 billion pound Budget and 20,000staff

 

to further and consolidate the Conservative and Labour agenda to separate the British from Britain.

 

It does this by a formula of presenting and editing news to favour "progessive" policies and by protraying a political landscape (from documentaries to soap operas) that rejects our national past and and promotes a society full of "progressive" features and behaviours.

 

With the retreat of established religion codes of secular behaviour are now invented and promoted in order to fill the space that religion occupied. 

 

...

 

 

 

GU 1451

 

 

 

PAPAL BULL nIcholas V

 

 

 

Come and Go

 

 

 

Elegy

 

 

 

66m

 

600,000

 

 

 

 

 

"transform" the United Kingdom from a

 

educaate and enteartain

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

UPDATES

 

 

 

UK Population: 80 Million

 

The Conservative and Labour establishment claim that the UK population is 64 million.

 

 

 

commonrepresentation.org.uk holds the opinion that the UK population is 80 million.

 

We invite our readers to research the numbers especially sewage outflow and supermarket food/population estimates.

 

 

 

680,000

 

Immigrants came into the UK (Official narrow gauge measure) in 2017-2018

 

While 200,000 British abortions take place 680,000 immigrants enter the UK.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Through The Lense Again

 

The godless revolution called the "progressive" revolution of the 1960's continues to deconstruct our Christian society and parliamentary democracy.

 

From sales of vodka to Coronation Street to the British Army to the established church, the United Kingdom is being "transformed" through the lense of commerce the media the public sector "charities" and voluntary organsisations. 

 

 

 

 

 

@1

 

Cheque Mate

 

The "Chequers Agreement" is Fake Exit and is the the logical outcome of three things:

 

1 The 50 year disintegration of the United Kingdom morally socially economically politically militarally industrally diplomatically and administrativelly.....in other words complete disolution of the nation.

 

2 The use of the referendum device to sideline the full operation of parliamentary representation (election of a government that believes in the nation and the restoration of our independence.

 

3 The acceptance by the Conservative and Labour establishment of the Article 50 procedure (we should have left immediately after the EU opinion poll (referendum) in 2016.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

org

 

Enter The New Party

 

Either the political forces that believe in Britain being Britain must now asssert and form themselves into a single new political party along the lines outlined and sculpted by the BUP or Britain will be lost.

 

The Conservative and Labour establsihment hold all the states levers of power - demonstrations on the streets without a single new party will fail in securing the restoration of Christian industrial Britain, full of it's own authority, power, industrial might, national dignity, self respect and kindness.

 

...

 

Political Parties and Political Conflict

 

In these times of heightened political tension it is essential that political leaders execise calm and prudent leadership and ensure the national peace is maintained across the United Kingdom.

 

The sphere of politics must contain and manage political conflict and not release it into the wider nation.

 

Referendums act as conduit's of political conflict spraying conflict into the public sphere.

 

It is vital that political parties contain and manage political conflict if they do not then the political conflict will spread into wider society - to a degree this has happened already.

 

Political parties must provide national leadership from national conflict and danger and chaos and national leadership to national unity, safety and order.

 

The Conservative and Labour parties have led us into national disintegration and conflict.

 

 

 

Peace Be With You.

 

...

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

3calp Eurostate imig

 

Fake Exit, Fake Politics, Fake Britain

 

 ...........................

 

4soci

 

secular

 

 None of Your Business

 

5soci

 

Identityless

 

Education and police

 

phil

 

6Drawing The Line of Privacy

 

7soci

 

A Matter of Class

 

 

uk population

66,040,229

 

 

 

 

 

 

.....

 

 

 

 

 

Branson

 

 

The Eurostate (and others) know that the United Kingdom is now a shell state, after being hollowed out by 50 years of the "progressive" revolution and de-militarisation and de-industrialisation.

This is the reason why they are adopting agressive and disrespectful a posture when dealing with the United Kingdom ,this posture is encouraged and compounded by the Conservative and Labour establishment who for 50 years have been submissive and facilitating when it comes to putting the foriegn interest before the British interest

We should remember that Theresa May has supported British membership of the EU and has never recanted or explained why she did or explained why she has changed her opinion if she has.

She only ever refers to the result of the referendum (which is an external event) never to her own internal thought process and anylasiss.

Politicians must provide their personal anyalisis to the electorate, that is why they are called candidates.

Rebuild defence industry hvi more than that we must reaffirm our est rel upon which whih we can rebuild social bonds and economic fabric

So much has been lost over 50 years and

 

.................

on this matter - the political independence of the United Kingdom - she has spent her entire political life supporting membership  )

 

 

On Tour Dates

1 York University York 16th January 2018 Hosted by York University Politics Society

"From Parliamentary Democracy to a Despotic State in Five Years 2012-2017"

 

2 Jury's Inn Hotel Glasgow 18th May 2018 Hosted by UKIP Scotland

"Devolution and the Road to Ruin"

 

3 Jury's Inn Hotel Glasgow 29th June 2018 Hosted by British Union and Sovereignty Party

"The Purpose of Economy"

 

...

Limited Availability

Contact Now

[email protected]

 

..........

 

Union Glue On Tour

 

 On the third date of the Union Glue Book Tour Stewart Connell was the Guest Speaker at an event

hosted by the British Union and Soveriegnty Party (U&S) in Glasgow.

 

 

Union Glue On Tour

 

On the third date of the Union Glue Book Tour

Stewart Connell was the Guest Speaker at an event hosted by the British Union and Soveriegnty Party (U&S)

 

 

 

 

 

Defending Defence

The warnings by General Lord Houghton that Britain is "living a lie", regarding it's defence capability are welcome even if rather restrained.

The deconstruction and privatisation of the British Army (now down to about 76-78000 from about 500,000 in 1960)

the Royal Air Force and the Royal Navy and the wider Defence Estate, by both the Conservative and Labour parties

through the past 50 years has left Britain with a micro army, a token air force and a mini-navy.

The Conservative Party's 2010 Strategic Defence and Security Review was the most recent principal blueprint for the

deconstruction and sell-off of defence "assets".

 

We are an island nation.

The British economy must quite simply be built upon defence, land, sea and air.

The digital realm must of course be occupied but it is in the physical realm first and last and not least

within the United Kingdom and at it's land, sea and air frontier that men, money and material must be deployed in order

to hold and excerise power; political, military, economic and diplomatic.

 

 

 

  

 

 

 

 

The Ballot Box

The Conservative and Labour establishment will happily tolerate mass demonstrations everyday in the streets (preferably the backstreets) where they can use all the powers of the state and controlled commerce and media to reduce their effectiveness.

While lawful demonstrations and assemblies are essential instruments of parliamentary democratic protest, it is only through the emergence of a new nationwide political party that offers a manifesto to restore, repair and renew Great Britain that they will be defeated.

 

 

Kestone Kops

 

Far Better Now Than Later

...

Fake Exit - Exposing The Shell

The United Kingdom has for 50 years been hollowed out, morally, socially, economically and politically by the Conservative and Labour establishment.

While the army can still put a show on in central, central (central) London, the Eurostate's contempt for the United Kingdom reflects the general measure of opinion overseas of the UK as a former serious nation.

It is not 1972 or even 1989.

Fake Exit is showing the British exactly has been thrown away over the past fifty years.

 

...

 

Here It

 

The

 

 

 

 

The Final Act and The Republic

The anti-British (but funded by the British taxpayer) "Constitution Unit" (CU)

(University College London) has released two new

reports:

http://www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit/publications/tabs/unit-publications/180_swearing_in_the_new_king

and

 https://www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit/publications/tabs/unit-publications/181_-_Inaugurating_a_New_Reign

They argue for a new Coronation Oath and service and surrounding procedure.

The CU report in conjunction with the recent Demos report on "Nostalgia" in politics (removing the collective national memory from the British people)

https://www.demos.co.uk/project/nostalgia/

forms the constitutional background of the coming Final Act in the End of Britain.

The CU report seeks to introduce a secular and multicultural coronation while the "Nostalgia" report seeks to abolish the past in a more generally.

Our constitutional limited Monarchy is now being fashioned to act as a tool for the new proto secular republic.

Both reports are desinged to cut Britain off from it's past in all senses.

Both reports are about removing the British and Britain from the British constitution.

Judge for yourself at the Constitution Unit and Demos websites

https://www.ucl.ac.uk/constitution-unit

https://www.demos.co.uk/

 We have challenged both to a debate but as usual have recieved no reply.

Funny that.

 

.....

 

The

 

 

cu

coronation

eqt act

cos fp coe

multi

wconfession

 

...

 

COMPETITION

SPOT THE AUTHENTIC NIONIST CONFERENCE AND FAKE UNIONIST CONFERENCE 

 

Our Christian Constitution

 

The British constitution is a Christian and Protestant constitution.

It is only logical that the activities and purpose of our Christian state is to serve the teaching's of Christ.

After 50 years of pr the p hv not yet rerpealed the tenent of our cc

of course thy want to but hv hd to bide thr time. coroding the msep manif of our nation first but thy are now coming for the cc and the central role and func of our lim con mon.

our sett prov tol it is poss to hav a ccaspresence and permit diss (wana theocracy)

The state snattempt to and cannot intrude into mens hearts but the state must defend protect and patrol the wallls of the c state and ensure that the state including schools conform to the tenent of C teaching.

The priv space is private but the public space is cap.

 

 

 

The 50 year destruction of the UK by the cal "progressive" cult

 

...

The Best Identity Politics is National Politics

We believe that national identity is the natural identity "frame" or structure for the individual to inhabit.

We hold the opinion that the abandonment of nationhood over the past fifty years has led to the emergence of other identities of the self (sexual or colour or rich or materialist etc) and other group identities (the EU, the SNP or "World" citizen etc).

 

The nation state is thenatural emotionally attachable and most stable and durable structure.

 

 

 The Union is Not Enough

It is not enough to save the institutonal Union meanwhile look the other way and let it be dissolved in the other senses.

If we believe in the Union as the natural political manifestation and representation of the British, then we must save it in all the other senses too, moral, social and economic.

Without a renewal of our established church, the Union stands upon sand.

Withour the reversal of immigration, it will become another place.

Without the restoration of our political independence, the Union is another place.

26th May 2018 

 

Through The Lense

 

 

 

Through the the distorted lense of Conservative and Labour parties, the education sector, controlled media, advertising and commerce (physical and digital), British society is being "transformed" into something else.

 

More Secular, More Selfish and More Foriegn.

 

 

 

Want Britain to be Britain? One party does.

 

bup.org.uk

 

Tommy Robinson

Tommy Robinson is in jail by order of the Conservative and Labour "progressive"establishment and their media agents in the BBC and the controlled media.

His imprisonment is political.

At commonrepresentation.org.uk we believe in freedom of speech, the freedom of assembly the freedom of the press and the toleration of dissent and the other bulwarks of our Brisith constitution.

Only a single nationwide political formation can defeat the Conservative and Labour establishment and put Britain back on the right road.

bup.org.uk 

...........................

 

 

Hot and Cold

commonrepresentation.org.uk has highlighted many times the exposure of the United Kingdom to natural and manmade emergencies.

While the the temprature rises and the Visa digital payment system crashes it is worth remembering that three days of snow in March streched the "Just In Time (JIT)" distribution chains of the supermarkets and the shelfs were near to empty or empty.

Another three days of snow and the country would have been on it's knees trying to feed itself.

There is no point in having access to money if there is no food to buy.

Fifty years of national disintegration moral, social, economic, infrastructural etc means that the UK is dangerously exposed to national, regional and local emergency, more than at any time since the war.

Note

The Civil Defence Corps (330,000) has been abolished

The Territorial Army has been abolished.

Meanwhile the British Army (cut to 78,000) is too busy on mandatory Equality and Diversity courses while our enemies are not.

 

 

 

 

 

 

"...all the systems you traverse..."

 

"Kurious Oranj"

from the allbum "I am Kurious Oranj"

By The Fall

 

The British built the modern world as we know it today.

At the centre of the world is the British model of a Christian Protestant parliamentary democracy, a limited constitutional monarchy, civil and religous liberty, the rule law, freedom of association and the press and toleration of dissent, social order and a balanced economy that was sent across the entire Earth where today in many different forms it continues to exist from the United States of America to

.

It continues to exist centuries later quite simply because it is good.

 

Today millions of immigrants across the Earth want to come to Britain.

they want to come here and do come here because when they see the Union Jack they see

freedom and the rule of law and Christian civilisation.

In a real sense they see Britain before the 1960' and many of them still hold to the Christian

standard's,behaviour, practice and custom's of pre hippy "progressive" Britain that was

shipped overseas centuries ago.

 

 

 The British Christian Constitution

We

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Interval

and The Final Act.

 

For the past fifiy years we have have experienced the opening and middle

(- the begining, roughly 1968 to 1975 and the middle, roughly 1976-1989).

acts of the Conservativeand Labour political production

called the "End of Britain"

Between 2012 and 2017 we experienced the rehearsal for the final act.

 

In May 2018 we are in the Interval.

 

The final act is about to begin.

Immigration, the Eurostate, devolution and the separation of the United Kingdom are all manifestations of our moral, social and economic disintegration.

 

It is late,

but not too late.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Elegy

We are in the interval.

The events of 2012-2017 were the rehersal and the final act is about to start.

For fifty years the United Kingdom has disintegrated

in all of it's elements moral, social, economic and political.

The abandonment of our established Christian religion and it's teachings of selflessness has opened the door to selfishness, abortion, divorce, debt, and materialism.

This abandonment led to the throwing away not just of Christian personal traits and behaviour but also of our collective national responsibilities and duties to each other our young, poor, disabled and elderly (these duties and responsibilities have been monetised and handed over to the state and then contracted out to the private sector)and our country, especially the duty to defend our borders and maintain our hegemony.

The final act is about to begin and there are no signs that the nation is ready to embark on the voyage it must take to repair, restore and regenerate itself.

 

 

 

Fake Unionist Conferences

Two Conservative "think tanks" held events related to the Union in the last week. Both organisations are dedicated to the "progressive" agenda especially legisltive devolution, secularism and multiculturism.

Although both events caimed to be about the Union, at neither event, one hosted by "Onward" and the other hosted by "Policy Exchange", contained a single speaker in support of the British unitary and integral constitution and parliamntary representative democracy.

 

Ownership

 

The digital corporations now seek to own your facial recognition (for digital access) and your childrens fingerprints (for school lunch)

Britain should control and regulate it's own national digital space.

 

 

 

 

 

.....

Something Else

 

 

 

For fifty years the Conservative and Labour parties have sough to make the British something else.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

More godless, More selfish, More materialist, More in debt, More abortions,

 

 

 

 More individualist (and not in a good way) and a More fivoulous and shallow economy followed by even More private misery.

 

 

 

And of course the unmentionable: More African and More Asian.

26th May 2018

 

Something Else

 

 

 

For fifty years the Conservative and Labour parties have sough to make the British something else.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

More godless, More selfish, More materialist, More in debt, More abortions,

 

 

 

 More individualist (and not in a good way) and a More fivoulous and shallow economy followed by even More private misery.

 

 

 

And of course the unmentionable: More African and More Asian.

Something Else

 

For fifty years the Conservative and Labour parties have sough to make the British something else.

 

 

 

 

More godless, More selfish, More materialist, More in debt, More abortions,

 

 More individualist (and not in a good way) and a More fivoulous and shallow economy followed by even More private misery.

 

And of course the unmentionable: More African and More Asian.

 

Something Else

 

 

 

For fifty years the Conservative and Labour parties have sough to make the British something else.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

More godless, More selfish, More materialist, More in debt, More abortions,

 

 

 

 More individualist (and not in a good way) and a More fivoulous and shallow economy followed by even More private misery.

 

 

 

And of course the unmentionable: More African and More Asian.

Something Else

 

 

 

For fifty years the Conservative and Labour parties have sough to make the British something else.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

More godless, More selfish, More materialist, More in debt, More abortions,

 

 

 

 More individualist (and not in a good way) and a More fivoulous and shallow economy followed by even More private misery.

 

 

 

And of course the unmentionable: More African and More Asian.

 

 

 

26th May 2018 

Fake Unionist Conferences

Two Conservative think tanks" held events related to the Union in the last week. Both organisations are dedicated to the "progressive" agenda especially secularism and multiculturism.

One event was hosted by "Onward" and the other by "Policy Exchange".

Although both events caimed to be about the Union neither contained a single reprsentative to speak in support of our existing unitary and integral constitution and parliamntary representative deocracy.

 Fake.

 

 

 

...............

Sacrifice to Surrender

 

Something Else

For fifty years the Conservative and Labour parties have sough to make the British something else.

More godless, More selfish, More materialist, More in debt, More abortions,

 More individualist (not in a good way) and a More fivoulous and shallow economy

followed by even More private misery.

And of course the unmentionable: More African, more Asian and more Oriental.

 

...

 

Not content with claiming the sky would fll in if we leave the EU, the Governor of the Bank of England Mark Carney now puts his tuppence worth into the matter of a separate scottish currency.

Mr Carney who is Canadian by birth, Irish Republican by choice and British by mammon should be sacked.

 

Clydebuilt

On the second date of the Union Glue Book Tour 2018, in a speech delivered in the Jury's Inn Hotel on the banks of the Clyde in Glasgow. Stewart Connell highlighted the Regional Assemblies Bill purpose as an attempt to create a fictional symetrical devolved goververnmental architecture. The assemblies were administrative forms of devolution and the Labour and Conservative parties fearedthat the English assemblies would mutate into legislative devolution and threaten the integrity of England.

Further in the speech the surrender of the Church of Scotland to the equality and diverisity code was exposed, other matters included abortion, mass lonliness and the abandonment of our serious national economy.

In closing Stewart called for a general election between a political formation that wants Britain to be someting else and a new single political formation that wants Britain to be Britain.

 

Full text of the speech will be available shortly.

A video of the speech will also be available. 

...

Available on Amazon Kindle  great_britain_uj[1]

 

 

Union Glue

 

 

 

 

  The Union, Referendums and the EU

 

 

 

  The United Kingdom From Parliamentary Democracy

 

 to Despotic State in Five Years 2012-2017

 

 

 

 by Stewart Connell

 

 

 

Reviews

 

 

 ............

 

 ...Please see bup.org.uk for further comment and news...

 

 .................Thank you for visiting.................

DVO

DMO

 

commonrepresentation.org.uk

 

Presents

 

The 20th Anniversary of Legislative Devolution Series

 

By Stewart Connell (c) 2017

 

   Commonrepresentation.org.uk is marking the 20th anniversary of the introduction of legislative devolution into mainland UK through a series of special articles and activities (further information to follow) which can be found below. 

 

 We will highlight the division and waste that legislative devolution has brought into British politics and why we must have nothing less than repeal.

 

PART 1 "A WARNING IGNORED"

 

PART 2 "THE DIVISION BELL"

 

PART 3 "REFERENDUMS EVERYWHERE"

 

 ………………………………..

 

commonrepr[email protected]

 

...

 

First Published 22nd July 2017  

 

   20th Anniversary of Legislative Devolution Series

 

  

 

Part 1

 

By Stewart Connell (c) 2017 

 

 A Warning Ignored.

 

  

 

PREFACE

 

 In 1997 there was no legislative devolution on the mainland of the United Kingdom. All government and administration took place through national government channels and for some delegated matters local council channels. This system is called administrative devolution.

 

 This system remains in place in England.

 

   Administrative devolution provided accountable and effective local government and administration of the public realm. 

 

 With administrative devolution there was: no devolved legislative powers, no third tier of government, no additional layer of devolved politicians (today 279 of them exist on three sites with a vast apparatus of political staff and substantial political budgets paid for by the British taxpayer), no territorial institution’s to aggregate powers to themselves and increasingly claim a status as a proto or embryonic state and of course no political personality to challenge the British Parliament for authority.

 

 Administrative devolution worked well, very well.

 

 It built the entire physical infrastructure of the United Kingdom that we know today.

 

   In the 1970s and 1980s, the anti-devolutionists in both the Conservative and Labour parties warned that the introduction of legislative devolution into the United Kingdom, an integral and unitary parliamentary nation would lead to it’s dis-integration.

 

   20 years after it’s introduction, we can now see the evidence in front of us that the anti-devolutionist’s were right.

 

  Legislative devolution has introduced a territorial, electoral and institutional conflict into the United Kingdom and in the space of just 17 years the United Kingdom was taken from being a "strong and stable" nation to the edge of complete destruction by the political forces unleashed by legislative devolution.

 

 The referendum on the Union in 2014, initiated by the Conservative party, not the SNP, is only the first direct challenge between the British Parliament and the devolved institutions.

 

   Unless and until legislative devolution is repealed the next referendum on the Union is not that far away.

 

 ***

 

  On the 1st of May 1997 the Labour Party was elected to government on a manifesto which included the introduction of legislative devolution in mainland United Kingdom.

 

   On the 11th of September 1997 the Labour government held referendums (state sponsored opinion polls) on devolution in Scotland and Wales.

 

   While neither referendum result contained a majority of the electorate, (devolution was not a burning issue for most electors in Scotland or Wales or in any part of the UK, who were more concerned about jobs, poverty and housing rather than some new fangled governmental arrangements for more politicians and another tier of government) but encouraged and comforted by the entire political establishment cheerleading for devolution, out of those that did vote, a majority supported the introduction of legislative devolution.

 

  It may have been expected that faced with such a radical and dangerous constitutional alteration to the unitary fabric of the Nation, the Conservative Party would provide opposition and rally forces against it, however the opposite was the case.

 

   As the result of the refendum was announced and broadcast, the Conservative Party (which had been wiped out in Scotland in the general election in May ) which had previously opposed legislative devolution (although increasingly it did not know why it did) immediately surrendered centuries of unionism and reversed it’s policy and embraced devolution with the zeal of the new convert.

 

 (Since the 11th of September 1997 no principal party in the United Kingdom now supports the actual existing constititutional and legal form of the United Kingdom as an integral and unitary parliamentary nation).

 

   The referendum result provided a convenient political cover for the Conservative Party to retreat from having to go through the motions of even having to think seriously about the Union nevermind having to defend it. 

 

For decades the Conservative Party had regarded the Union as a distraction, a nuisance, a troublesome relic from the past just like the other heavy responsibilities of nationhood that it had no interest in. 

 

It could now finally cast off unionism and concentrate on it’s prime concern and interest: money.

 

 Devolution would also provide the Scottish Conservative Party with elected representation and public money to run it's organisation. Devolution’s gerrymandered proportional representation system of 129 MSP’s (72 constituencies and 57 “list” MSP’s) and generous financial support for political parties had arrived at just the right time for the Scottish Conservative Party.

 

  No wonder there were so many happy Scottish Conservatives at the Conservative Conference in Blackpool in 1997.

 

Next in the

 

20th Anniversary of Legislative Devolution Series

 

  Part 2

 

  “The Division Bell”

 

 ...

 

 

 

 First Published 29th July 2017

 

20th Anniversary of Legislative Devolution Series

 

 Part 2

 

By Stewart Connell (c) 2017

 

 The Division Bell

 

Conservative Manifesto 1997

 

  “… the development of new assemblies in Scotland and Wales would create strains which could well pull apart the Union. That would create a new layer of government which would be hungry for power. It would risk rivalry and conflict between these parliaments or assemblies and the parliament at Westminster. And it would raise serious questions about whether the representation of Scottish and Welsh MPs at Westminster - and their role in matters affecting English affairs - could remain unchanged…”

 

 Seldom has a manifesto so accurately predicted the outcome of a particular policy initiative and warned against it.

 

  Unfortunately, for the entire United Kingdom, the Conservative Party ditched it's opposition to legislative devolution only 4 months and 10 days after the general election.

 

The division of the United Kingdom had begun.

 

As the result of the referendum on devolution in Scotland was broadcast, the Conservative Party surrendered and declared it’s support for legislative devolution. Rather than hold to it’s established position and prepare for the long haul of political work and persuasion, the Conservative Party fell to it’s knee’s to worship at the alter of legislative devolution and the referendum device.

 

 With serious old guard “high Tories”, who did understand the implications of legislative devolution for the Union now few in number, hardly any Conservative’s even thought about the Union.

 

 Any mention of the Union in most Conservative meetings was met with a laugh and a swift “let us move on” to the next subject.

 

 The lack of depth of conviction and thought in the Conservative Party on the Union meant it was easy for the “New” Labour Party to take a devolutionist approach to the matter and be led by the federalist, separatist and republican forces inside and outside of it. New Labour like the Conservative Party was now all about money.

 

 The authority to begin the experiment in legislative devolution on the mainland of the United Kingdom was exercised in the general election on the 1st of May 1997. The Labour Party under Blair had included a commitment to it in their manifesto, provided referendums in Scotland and Wales took place to ensure “popular endorsement”.

 

  The referendum device itself was to be part of a new constitutional doctrine which would raise the referendum device to a new “gold standard” in democracy (20 years later this would lead to a conflict between Parliamentary general election (2015) and a referendum result (2016), on the matter of European Union membership, a conflict only resolved by another general election in 2017). Labour’s post war Leader and Prime minister Clement Attlee, had warned about such a conflict and described the referendum mechanism as “alien to all our (parliamentary) traditions” but in 1997, New Labour was intent that the referendum device would assist it preventing the House of Commons acting as a brake (it’s constitutional job) on the executive. The referendum device would be increasingly be presented as a counter authority to parliamentary authority and the matter of the Union in 1997 was the ideal subject for New Labour to begin its reintroduction of the referendum mechanism, which had not been used in the United Kingdom for 18 years since the last devolution experiment in 1979.

 

Labour Manifesto 1997

 

  As soon as possible after the election, we will enact legislation to allow the people of Scotland and Wales to vote in separate referendums on our proposals, which will be set out in white papers. These referendums will take place not later than the autumn of 1997. A simple majority of those voting in each referendum will be the majority required. Popular endorsement will strengthen the legitimacy of our proposals and speed their passage through Parliament.”

 

“For Scotland we propose the creation of a parliament with law-making powers, firmly based on the agreement reached in the Scottish Constitutional Convention, including defined and limited financial powers to vary revenue and elected by an additional member system. In the Scottish referendum we will seek separate endorsement of the proposal to create a parliament, and of the proposal to give it defined and limited financial powers to vary revenue. The Scottish parliament will extend democratic control over the responsibilities currently exercised administratively by the Scottish Office.”

 

 Labour’s victory opened the door to national division and dissolution. From May 1st 1997, bit by bit, power, patronage, status and money would flow to the devolved institutions, under the sponsorship of the Labour and Conservative parties not the SNP, (later installments both the Scotland Act 2012 and Scotland Act 2016 would take further substantial powers from the British Parliament and place them into the devolved parliament which now would have a “government” and not an “executive”, the nomenclature had changed to meet the rising status of the institution. The push for “parliamentary parity” was now on (even though the British Parliament is the sovereign parliament and the Scottish Parliament is the devolved one). The idea of the United Kingdom as a “family of nations”, an informal federal entity increasingly took hold, especially in the Conservative Party, for it avoided the party having to confirm that the United Kingdom actually still is a constitutional and legal integral and unitary parliamentary nation.

 

By 1997 however the matter of the Union had been neglected to such an extent that many did not even care about the Union (this was especially the case with politicians - elected in 1997 Theresa May’s “precious, precious Union” does not even rate a mention in her political life until she is Prime minister in 2016) while at the same time the Union was so familiar and taken for granted in general that to suggest or even question that it should be brought to an end and dissolved was not taken seriously until 15 years later on the 8th January 2012 when Conservative Prime minister David Cameron launched a referendum in which it was proposed that the United Kingdom be dissolved on the night of the 18th of September 2014.

 

 ...

 

 

 

 First Published 2nd September 2017

 

20th Anniversary of Legislative Devolution Series

 

 Part 3

 

By Stewart Connell (c) 2017

 

Referendums Everywhere

 

(Devolution, Separation, A Coup D’état and A Year of Despotic Government)

 

While devolution began its opposition free legislative journey, Labour’s devolution referendums themselves had not just touched on the matter of the Union they had aimed for the British centre of democracy and government.

 

The return of the referendum device reactivated a direct challenge to constituted parliamentary and electoral authority.

 

A challenge that had been silent for nearly two decades.

 

The return of the referendum device, a referendum revolution, was to become a key feature of the United Kingdoms governance over the next twenty years and indeed change the course of history.

 

The Referendum Revolution

 

Devolution has always been intertwined with referendums. The referendum mechanism has been the favoured device by the Conservative Party (who used it first under Mr Heath) and the Labour Party to concoct a seemingly democratic mask for their latest devolved experiments. After a space of 18 years when the referendum device had not been used and it had only been used four times in a six year period (1973-1979, only one of which was a UK wide referendum on the “re-negotiated” terms of EU membership of the Common Market) had increasing been seen as an aberration in the parliamentary life of the nation and then largely confined to the territorial periphery.

 

The authority for the legislative devolution experiment was exercised in the general election on the 1st of May 1997, not the referendums on the 11th and 18th of September 1997 but the devolution referendums of 1997 and 1998 re-opened the door to the referendum device and put it at the centre of British politics with an enhanced political status.

 

 Referendums were introduced into the UK in 1973 and by 1979 there had only been four referendums, three of them territorial and one national (Northern Ireland 8th March 1973, Wales 1st March 1979, Scotland 1st March 1979 and UK 5th June 1975).

 

 Between 1979 and 1997 there were no referendums.

 

 By 1997 however with a “new” political mood captured by New Labour referendums found a new cache as the idea of “popular sovereignty” took hold among the wider establishment.

 

In 1997 on the back of it’s devolution proposals (which had been endorsed at the general election and did not need a referendum to “super validate” (an idea repugnant to the British constitution), New Labour sought to invent a new “progressive” constitutional doctrine “popular sovereignty” in contrast to established parliamentary constituency election, which it cast as “old” and “boring”, the referendum could be presented as “new” and “modern” and it was used all across Europe, so it must be a “good thing”.

 

Both Conservative and Labour parties agreed to support it’s use and recognise its results. This appeared to raise its status and results above the authority of general election results. It appeared to “be above” normal party politics and general elections and be a new “gold standard” in democracy.

 

In what was to become a regular feature on the UK political scene the referendum mechanism had found an appeal among those who wished to alter the constitutional fabric but more importantly, who wanted to avoid the threat to their power, patronage, seats and public money - which always comes with election but never a referendum.

 

Mr Blair (who harboured his own suspicions about the potential troublemaking nature of legislative devolution) decided to initiate referendums in Scotland (comprising not one but two questions) and Wales and include them in the manifesto. These would provide additional “popular” political confirmation on embarking on the new constitutional experiment (even though these were experimental themselves) and present the referendum mechanism as a modern form of democratic mandate (even though they were not a modern invention and have been used across Europe especially in newly emerging states or those re-emerging from a revolutionary or occupied period and/or those without a parliamentary tradition).

 

 Blair set the referendums on devolution for the 11th September 1997 and then on the 18th September in Wales.

 

 The Northern Ireland referendum would follow (contained in the Belfast Agreement containing the latest form of legislative devolution for the province) on 22nd May 1998.

 

The referendum on the creation of the post of London Mayor and the introduction of Greater London Authority took place on the 7th May 1998 however these two creations remain just inside what can still just be described as local government and administrative devolution.

 

On 4th November 2004 a referendum on the introduction of a regional assembly took place in North East England.

 

(there had been plans for 3 referendums including the North West and Yorkshire and the Humber – but these were cancelled after concerns about the integrity of the postal voting system were raised).

 

However Labour decided to push ahead with the NE referendum

 

(which was an all postal affair!).

 

 The result was: 696,519 (77.9%) Against. 197,310 (22.1) For.

 

 47.8% of the region's 1.9 million registered electors voted.

 

 The exercise cost £11 million.

 

The result was a substantial defeat for Primeminister Blair and Deputy Prime minister Prescott.

 

The draft Regional Assemblies’ bill contained telling features central to the entire devolution experiment. Similar to the London Assembly the other assemblies were part of an attempt to create a “devolution culture” where none existed also they were to appear to address the asymmetrical matter of devolution outside of England and they were again just inside the definition of administrative devolution although they did contain provision for a “rolling devolution” which could have taken them over the line into legislative devolution under the consent of the Secretary of State.

 

 The bill is very narrow and highly defined and largely dependent upon the discretion of the Secretary of State (British Parliament) for its “purposes and power’s”, this contrasts sharply with the broad and loose approach taken with the devolution versions in Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales.

 

 While the Conservative and Labour parties were prepared to play fast and loose, token politics with Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales, when it came closer to their political “home” they sensed the dis-integrative effect of legislative devolution and took steps to ensure that the regional assemblies were essentially “big” councils (similar to the old Strathclyde Council covering Glasgow and the west of central Scotland) and locked it into administrative devolution not legislative devolution.

 

The architects of the legislation had one eye on the integrity of England and the existence of a territorial assembly and potential development of a separatist political personality - exactly the political concoction introduced into Scotland , Northern Ireland and Wales.

 

 By 2016 another four referendums would take place.

 

On the 3rd March 2011 in Wales, a further devolution package was contained in a referendum, on the 5th May 2011 across the UK, a referendum on proportional representation took place and voters decisively rejected it.

 

On the 18th of September 2014 the referendum on the Union took place and on the 23rd June 2016, it was the referendum on EU membership.

 

 The great clash between the hype of referendum authority and the legal and constituted authority of the British Parliament took place over the measure to give the devolved Scottish Parliament the power to hold the separation referendum.

 

The Scotland Act 1998 (Modification of Schedule 5) Order 2013, while providing authority for the Scottish Parliament to logistically hold a referendum on the Union did not contain any provision for the referendum to contain authority. In other words it was an opinion poll, a survey – nothing more, nothing less.

 

Both he Conservative Party and Labour Party who wanted the referendum to appear as though it did contain authority (for the Conservative party to assist their forthcoming general election campaign and the Labour Party to look modern and avoid abstaining from a device that they endorsed) it was necessary to collaborate in ensuring that the most important piece of legislation ever to be presented to the British Parliament (for a referendum to be held on Parliaments own complete abolition) was pushed through Parliament.

 

 On the 15th of January 2013 the Order was pushed through the House of Commons in six hours (other constitutional legislation had taken months, years and even decades) while the next day the Order went to the House of lords and they did the same. There was no green paper, no white paper, no bill, no act of parliament, neither did the House of Commons sit in committee form which is the normal practice for legislation of an important and constitutional nature. No division took place but the measure passed into law with not a single voice of dissent.

 

 Having pumped up the fiction of a referendum authority and for separate reasons supporting a referendum on the Union, the Conservative and Labour parties had to keep up the fiction and keep the constitutional reality (the referendum was simply a survey) well away from the public domain.

 

 In a referendum no MP loses their seat and in 2014, the avoidance of a general election called on the matter of the Union was the priority for both the Conservative and Labour parties.

 

 On the 20th January 2014 the Secretary of State for Scotland Alistair Carmichael finally conceded “the Order does not contan any provisions relating to Scottish constituencies in the UK Parliament”, in other words the referendum was a survey and a general election (as always) would be required to authorise representation in or abstention from the British Parliament.

 

 Any “Yes” referendum result however would have provided a fictional authority and a political cover story for MP’s to withdraw from the British Parliament while continuing to be mandated from the 2010 general election to go and sit in the House of Commons - to be part of the whole.

 

Emboldened by the division and near catastrophe of 18th September 2014, the Conservative and Labour parties embarked on yet another referendum this time on EU  membership.

 

The EU membership referendum brought the challenge of “referendum authority” straight to the British centre of power. The challenge was no longer peripheral. It could not be hidden or pushed to one side. It was targeted at the centre of the British state, Parliament, government and civil service.

 

The return of the referendum device was to have a traumatic impact upon the parliamentary representational democracy in the United Kingdom.

 

Having taken the Union to the edge of complete destruction in September 2014, the referendum device now facilitated a coup d’état in government between the 24th June-13th July 2016 - the period of the Conservative Party’s internal selection and appointment of Theresa May as Prime minister - which, as it was meant to, led to the replacement of the Conservative manifesto, which had been authorised by the general election in May 2015, with a new manifesto (the opposite to the one that the electorate had endorsed) that had not been unauthorised, in the space of a just over a year.

 

The decision by the Conservative Party not to have a general election immediately after the EU  membership referendum meant that it’s new post referendum manifesto would not be submitted to the British electorate for authorisation until June 8th 2017.

 

 The decision not to have an immediate general election resulted in the United Kingdom enduring a year of unelected (despotic) government and an unauthorised manifesto between 13th July 2016 and the 8th of June 2017, when a general election was held and parliamentary government was restored and the new post referendum Conservative manifesto was (just) authorised.

 

Conclusion

 

The devolution experiment introduced in 1997 was not the first, 76 years earlier another attempt had been made. In 1921, a very grand and elaborate devolution scheme was introduced in Northern Ireland. It was brought to an end by the British Parliament in 1970.

 

While the referendum mechanism is now a regular “go to” instrument for both Conservative and Labour parties in and out of government when they wish to get an unpopular measure into legislation without an election, the devolution referendums of 1997 had set the referendum ball rolling.

 

 Legislative authority in the United Kingdom cannot be separated on a territorial basis and attached to a territorial electorate and institution. As we have seen over the decades this leads to division and political conflict. Administrative devolution (local government) does not create this conflict because council's do not have legislative power or a political personality to challenge national authority. 

 

The referendum in our unitary constitution is limited to being an opinion poll as no authority can be in it. The United Kingdom is an integral and unitary state. Authority is integral and unitary (singular) and only contained in and excerised and transmitted through parliamentary constituency election.

 

Authority in the United Kingdom can only be in one place at one time.

 

This is the lesson of the nature of authority in our country as experienced through legislative devolution and the referendum device.

 

 Whether you measure the success or failure of legislative devolution in political or money terms the experiment has failed.

 

 It is not just a political distraction, it has taken the United Kingdom to the edge of complete destruction while costing billions in money and materials that could have gone directly into defence, rebuilding heavy industry, schools or hospitals.

 

 The United Kingdom is not short of political problems, we have enough.

 

We could do with a one less.

 

  As we continue to watch the legislative devolved institutions as they are given more powers and promised more powers by both the Conservative and Labour parties, we can see it causing further friction, further division of the nation and generating more referendums and wasting yet more resources.

 

 The anti-devolutionists of the 1970’s and 1980’s were right.

 

 20 years after the introduction of legislative devolution the evidence of the division, the damage and the expense that it has created is in front of us.

 

 We must learn and we must act.

 

 If we do not then the complete dis-integration of the United Kingdom will take place.

 

We must repeal legislative devolution, restore local government and ban referendums.

 

 

 

Copyright © Stewart Connell 2017

 

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Presents

The 20th Anniversary of Legislative Devolution Series

By Stewart Connell (c) 2017

   Commonrepresentation.org.uk is marking the 20th anniversary of the introduction of legislative devolution into mainland UK through a series of special articles and activities (further information to follow) which can be found below. 

 We will highlight the division and waste that legislative devolution has brought into British politics and why we must have nothing less than repeal.

PART 1 "A WARNING IGNORED"

PART 2 "THE DIVISION BELL"

PART 3 "REFERENDUMS EVERYWHERE"

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commonrepr[email protected]

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First Published 22nd July 2017  

   20th Anniversary of Legislative Devolution Series

  

Part 1

By Stewart Connell (c) 2017 

 A Warning Ignored.

  

PREFACE

 In 1997 there was no legislative devolution on the mainland of the United Kingdom. All government and administration took place through national government channels and for some delegated matters local council channels. This system is called administrative devolution.

 This system remains in place in England.

   Administrative devolution provided accountable and effective local government and administration of the public realm. 

 With administrative devolution there was: no devolved legislative powers, no third tier of government, no additional layer of devolved politicians (today 279 of them exist on three sites with a vast apparatus of political staff and substantial political budgets paid for by the British taxpayer), no territorial institution’s to aggregate powers to themselves and increasingly claim a status as a proto or embryonic state and of course no political personality to challenge the British Parliament for authority.

 Administrative devolution worked well, very well.

 It built the entire physical infrastructure of the United Kingdom that we know today.

   In the 1970s and 1980s, the anti-devolutionists in both the Conservative and Labour parties warned that the introduction of legislative devolution into the United Kingdom, an integral and unitary parliamentary nation would lead to it’s dis-integration.

   20 years after it’s introduction, we can now see the evidence in front of us that the anti-devolutionist’s were right.

  Legislative devolution has introduced a territorial, electoral and institutional conflict into the United Kingdom and in the space of just 17 years the United Kingdom was taken from being a "strong and stable" nation to the edge of complete destruction by the political forces unleashed by legislative devolution.

 The referendum on the Union in 2014, initiated by the Conservative party, not the SNP, is only the first direct challenge between the British Parliament and the devolved institutions.

   Unless and until legislative devolution is repealed the next referendum on the Union is not that far away.

 ***

  On the 1st of May 1997 the Labour Party was elected to government on a manifesto which included the introduction of legislative devolution in mainland United Kingdom.

   On the 11th of September 1997 the Labour government held referendums (state sponsored opinion polls) on devolution in Scotland and Wales.

   While neither referendum result contained a majority of the electorate, (devolution was not a burning issue for most electors in Scotland or Wales or in any part of the UK, who were more concerned about jobs, poverty and housing rather than some new fangled governmental arrangements for more politicians and another tier of government) but encouraged and comforted by the entire political establishment cheerleading for devolution, out of those that did vote, a majority supported the introduction of legislative devolution.

  It may have been expected that faced with such a radical and dangerous constitutional alteration to the unitary fabric of the Nation, the Conservative Party would provide opposition and rally forces against it, however the opposite was the case.

   As the result of the refendum was announced and broadcast, the Conservative Party (which had been wiped out in Scotland in the general election in May ) which had previously opposed legislative devolution (although increasingly it did not know why it did) immediately surrendered centuries of unionism and reversed it’s policy and embraced devolution with the zeal of the new convert.

 (Since the 11th of September 1997 no principal party in the United Kingdom now supports the actual existing constititutional and legal form of the United Kingdom as an integral and unitary parliamentary nation).

   The referendum result provided a convenient political cover for the Conservative Party to retreat from having to go through the motions of even having to think seriously about the Union nevermind having to defend it. 

For decades the Conservative Party had regarded the Union as a distraction, a nuisance, a troublesome relic from the past just like the other heavy responsibilities of nationhood that it had no interest in. 

It could now finally cast off unionism and concentrate on it’s prime concern and interest: money.

 Devolution would also provide the Scottish Conservative Party with elected representation and public money to run it's organisation. Devolution’s gerrymandered proportional representation system of 129 MSP’s (72 constituencies and 57 “list” MSP’s) and generous financial support for political parties had arrived at just the right time for the Scottish Conservative Party.

  No wonder there were so many happy Scottish Conservatives at the Conservative Conference in Blackpool in 1997.

Next in the

20th Anniversary of Legislative Devolution Series

  Part 2

  “The Division Bell”

 ...

 

 First Published 29th July 2017

20th Anniversary of Legislative Devolution Series

 Part 2

By Stewart Connell (c) 2017

 The Division Bell

Conservative Manifesto 1997

  “… the development of new assemblies in Scotland and Wales would create strains which could well pull apart the Union. That would create a new layer of government which would be hungry for power. It would risk rivalry and conflict between these parliaments or assemblies and the parliament at Westminster. And it would raise serious questions about whether the representation of Scottish and Welsh MPs at Westminster - and their role in matters affecting English affairs - could remain unchanged…”

 Seldom has a manifesto so accurately predicted the outcome of a particular policy initiative and warned against it.

  Unfortunately, for the entire United Kingdom, the Conservative Party ditched it's opposition to legislative devolution only 4 months and 10 days after the general election.

The division of the United Kingdom had begun.

As the result of the referendum on devolution in Scotland was broadcast, the Conservative Party surrendered and declared it’s support for legislative devolution. Rather than hold to it’s established position and prepare for the long haul of political work and persuasion, the Conservative Party fell to it’s knee’s to worship at the alter of legislative devolution and the referendum device.

 With serious old guard “high Tories”, who did understand the implications of legislative devolution for the Union now few in number, hardly any Conservative’s even thought about the Union.

 Any mention of the Union in most Conservative meetings was met with a laugh and a swift “let us move on” to the next subject.

 The lack of depth of conviction and thought in the Conservative Party on the Union meant it was easy for the “New” Labour Party to take a devolutionist approach to the matter and be led by the federalist, separatist and republican forces inside and outside of it. New Labour like the Conservative Party was now all about money.

 The authority to begin the experiment in legislative devolution on the mainland of the United Kingdom was exercised in the general election on the 1st of May 1997. The Labour Party under Blair had included a commitment to it in their manifesto, provided referendums in Scotland and Wales took place to ensure “popular endorsement”.

  The referendum device itself was to be part of a new constitutional doctrine which would raise the referendum device to a new “gold standard” in democracy (20 years later this would lead to a conflict between Parliamentary general election (2015) and a referendum result (2016), on the matter of European Union membership, a conflict only resolved by another general election in 2017). Labour’s post war Leader and Prime minister Clement Attlee, had warned about such a conflict and described the referendum mechanism as “alien to all our (parliamentary) traditions” but in 1997, New Labour was intent that the referendum device would assist it preventing the House of Commons acting as a brake (it’s constitutional job) on the executive. The referendum device would be increasingly be presented as a counter authority to parliamentary authority and the matter of the Union in 1997 was the ideal subject for New Labour to begin its reintroduction of the referendum mechanism, which had not been used in the United Kingdom for 18 years since the last devolution experiment in 1979.

Labour Manifesto 1997

  As soon as possible after the election, we will enact legislation to allow the people of Scotland and Wales to vote in separate referendums on our proposals, which will be set out in white papers. These referendums will take place not later than the autumn of 1997. A simple majority of those voting in each referendum will be the majority required. Popular endorsement will strengthen the legitimacy of our proposals and speed their passage through Parliament.”

“For Scotland we propose the creation of a parliament with law-making powers, firmly based on the agreement reached in the Scottish Constitutional Convention, including defined and limited financial powers to vary revenue and elected by an additional member system. In the Scottish referendum we will seek separate endorsement of the proposal to create a parliament, and of the proposal to give it defined and limited financial powers to vary revenue. The Scottish parliament will extend democratic control over the responsibilities currently exercised administratively by the Scottish Office.”

 Labour’s victory opened the door to national division and dissolution. From May 1st 1997, bit by bit, power, patronage, status and money would flow to the devolved institutions, under the sponsorship of the Labour and Conservative parties not the SNP, (later installments both the Scotland Act 2012 and Scotland Act 2016 would take further substantial powers from the British Parliament and place them into the devolved parliament which now would have a “government” and not an “executive”, the nomenclature had changed to meet the rising status of the institution. The push for “parliamentary parity” was now on (even though the British Parliament is the sovereign parliament and the Scottish Parliament is the devolved one). The idea of the United Kingdom as a “family of nations”, an informal federal entity increasingly took hold, especially in the Conservative Party, for it avoided the party having to confirm that the United Kingdom actually still is a constitutional and legal integral and unitary parliamentary nation.

By 1997 however the matter of the Union had been neglected to such an extent that many did not even care about the Union (this was especially the case with politicians - elected in 1997 Theresa May’s “precious, precious Union” does not even rate a mention in her political life until she is Prime minister in 2016) while at the same time the Union was so familiar and taken for granted in general that to suggest or even question that it should be brought to an end and dissolved was not taken seriously until 15 years later on the 8th January 2012 when Conservative Prime minister David Cameron launched a referendum in which it was proposed that the United Kingdom be dissolved on the night of the 18th of September 2014.

 ...

 

 First Published 2nd September 2017

20th Anniversary of Legislative Devolution Series

 Part 3

By Stewart Connell (c) 2017

Referendums Everywhere

(Devolution, Separation, A Coup D’état and A Year of Despotic Government)

While devolution began its opposition free legislative journey, Labour’s devolution referendums themselves had not just touched on the matter of the Union they had aimed for the British centre of democracy and government.

The return of the referendum device reactivated a direct challenge to constituted parliamentary and electoral authority.

A challenge that had been silent for nearly two decades.

The return of the referendum device, a referendum revolution, was to become a key feature of the United Kingdoms governance over the next twenty years and indeed change the course of history.

The Referendum Revolution

Devolution has always been intertwined with referendums. The referendum mechanism has been the favoured device by the Conservative Party (who used it first under Mr Heath) and the Labour Party to concoct a seemingly democratic mask for their latest devolved experiments. After a space of 18 years when the referendum device had not been used and it had only been used four times in a six year period (1973-1979, only one of which was a UK wide referendum on the “re-negotiated” terms of EU membership of the Common Market) had increasing been seen as an aberration in the parliamentary life of the nation and then largely confined to the territorial periphery.

The authority for the legislative devolution experiment was exercised in the general election on the 1st of May 1997, not the referendums on the 11th and 18th of September 1997 but the devolution referendums of 1997 and 1998 re-opened the door to the referendum device and put it at the centre of British politics with an enhanced political status.

 Referendums were introduced into the UK in 1973 and by 1979 there had only been four referendums, three of them territorial and one national (Northern Ireland 8th March 1973, Wales 1st March 1979, Scotland 1st March 1979 and UK 5th June 1975).

 Between 1979 and 1997 there were no referendums.

 By 1997 however with a “new” political mood captured by New Labour referendums found a new cache as the idea of “popular sovereignty” took hold among the wider establishment.

In 1997 on the back of it’s devolution proposals (which had been endorsed at the general election and did not need a referendum to “super validate” (an idea repugnant to the British constitution), New Labour sought to invent a new “progressive” constitutional doctrine “popular sovereignty” in contrast to established parliamentary constituency election, which it cast as “old” and “boring”, the referendum could be presented as “new” and “modern” and it was used all across Europe, so it must be a “good thing”.

Both Conservative and Labour parties agreed to support it’s use and recognise its results. This appeared to raise its status and results above the authority of general election results. It appeared to “be above” normal party politics and general elections and be a new “gold standard” in democracy.

In what was to become a regular feature on the UK political scene the referendum mechanism had found an appeal among those who wished to alter the constitutional fabric but more importantly, who wanted to avoid the threat to their power, patronage, seats and public money - which always comes with election but never a referendum.

Mr Blair (who harboured his own suspicions about the potential troublemaking nature of legislative devolution) decided to initiate referendums in Scotland (comprising not one but two questions) and Wales and include them in the manifesto. These would provide additional “popular” political confirmation on embarking on the new constitutional experiment (even though these were experimental themselves) and present the referendum mechanism as a modern form of democratic mandate (even though they were not a modern invention and have been used across Europe especially in newly emerging states or those re-emerging from a revolutionary or occupied period and/or those without a parliamentary tradition).

 Blair set the referendums on devolution for the 11th September 1997 and then on the 18th September in Wales.

 The Northern Ireland referendum would follow (contained in the Belfast Agreement containing the latest form of legislative devolution for the province) on 22nd May 1998.

The referendum on the creation of the post of London Mayor and the introduction of Greater London Authority took place on the 7th May 1998 however these two creations remain just inside what can still just be described as local government and administrative devolution.

On 4th November 2004 a referendum on the introduction of a regional assembly took place in North East England.

(there had been plans for 3 referendums including the North West and Yorkshire and the Humber – but these were cancelled after concerns about the integrity of the postal voting system were raised).

However Labour decided to push ahead with the NE referendum

(which was an all postal affair!).

 The result was: 696,519 (77.9%) Against. 197,310 (22.1) For.

 47.8% of the region's 1.9 million registered electors voted.

 The exercise cost £11 million.

The result was a substantial defeat for Primeminister Blair and Deputy Prime minister Prescott.

The draft Regional Assemblies’ bill contained telling features central to the entire devolution experiment. Similar to the London Assembly the other assemblies were part of an attempt to create a “devolution culture” where none existed also they were to appear to address the asymmetrical matter of devolution outside of England and they were again just inside the definition of administrative devolution although they did contain provision for a “rolling devolution” which could have taken them over the line into legislative devolution under the consent of the Secretary of State.

 The bill is very narrow and highly defined and largely dependent upon the discretion of the Secretary of State (British Parliament) for its “purposes and power’s”, this contrasts sharply with the broad and loose approach taken with the devolution versions in Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales.

 While the Conservative and Labour parties were prepared to play fast and loose, token politics with Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales, when it came closer to their political “home” they sensed the dis-integrative effect of legislative devolution and took steps to ensure that the regional assemblies were essentially “big” councils (similar to the old Strathclyde Council covering Glasgow and the west of central Scotland) and locked it into administrative devolution not legislative devolution.

The architects of the legislation had one eye on the integrity of England and the existence of a territorial assembly and potential development of a separatist political personality - exactly the political concoction introduced into Scotland , Northern Ireland and Wales.

 By 2016 another four referendums would take place.

On the 3rd March 2011 in Wales, a further devolution package was contained in a referendum, on the 5th May 2011 across the UK, a referendum on proportional representation took place and voters decisively rejected it.

On the 18th of September 2014 the referendum on the Union took place and on the 23rd June 2016, it was the referendum on EU membership.

 The great clash between the hype of referendum authority and the legal and constituted authority of the British Parliament took place over the measure to give the devolved Scottish Parliament the power to hold the separation referendum.

The Scotland Act 1998 (Modification of Schedule 5) Order 2013, while providing authority for the Scottish Parliament to logistically hold a referendum on the Union did not contain any provision for the referendum to contain authority. In other words it was an opinion poll, a survey – nothing more, nothing less.

Both he Conservative Party and Labour Party who wanted the referendum to appear as though it did contain authority (for the Conservative party to assist their forthcoming general election campaign and the Labour Party to look modern and avoid abstaining from a device that they endorsed) it was necessary to collaborate in ensuring that the most important piece of legislation ever to be presented to the British Parliament (for a referendum to be held on Parliaments own complete abolition) was pushed through Parliament.

 On the 15th of January 2013 the Order was pushed through the House of Commons in six hours (other constitutional legislation had taken months, years and even decades) while the next day the Order went to the House of lords and they did the same. There was no green paper, no white paper, no bill, no act of parliament, neither did the House of Commons sit in committee form which is the normal practice for legislation of an important and constitutional nature. No division took place but the measure passed into law with not a single voice of dissent.

 Having pumped up the fiction of a referendum authority and for separate reasons supporting a referendum on the Union, the Conservative and Labour parties had to keep up the fiction and keep the constitutional reality (the referendum was simply a survey) well away from the public domain.

 In a referendum no MP loses their seat and in 2014, the avoidance of a general election called on the matter of the Union was the priority for both the Conservative and Labour parties.

 On the 20th January 2014 the Secretary of State for Scotland Alistair Carmichael finally conceded “the Order does not contan any provisions relating to Scottish constituencies in the UK Parliament”, in other words the referendum was a survey and a general election (as always) would be required to authorise representation in or abstention from the British Parliament.

 Any “Yes” referendum result however would have provided a fictional authority and a political cover story for MP’s to withdraw from the British Parliament while continuing to be mandated from the 2010 general election to go and sit in the House of Commons - to be part of the whole.

Emboldened by the division and near catastrophe of 18th September 2014, the Conservative and Labour parties embarked on yet another referendum this time on EU  membership.

The EU membership referendum brought the challenge of “referendum authority” straight to the British centre of power. The challenge was no longer peripheral. It could not be hidden or pushed to one side. It was targeted at the centre of the British state, Parliament, government and civil service.

The return of the referendum device was to have a traumatic impact upon the parliamentary representational democracy in the United Kingdom.

Having taken the Union to the edge of complete destruction in September 2014, the referendum device now facilitated a coup d’état in government between the 24th June-13th July 2016 - the period of the Conservative Party’s internal selection and appointment of Theresa May as Prime minister - which, as it was meant to, led to the replacement of the Conservative manifesto, which had been authorised by the general election in May 2015, with a new manifesto (the opposite to the one that the electorate had endorsed) that had not been unauthorised, in the space of a just over a year.

The decision by the Conservative Party not to have a general election immediately after the EU  membership referendum meant that it’s new post referendum manifesto would not be submitted to the British electorate for authorisation until June 8th 2017.

 The decision not to have an immediate general election resulted in the United Kingdom enduring a year of unelected (despotic) government and an unauthorised manifesto between 13th July 2016 and the 8th of June 2017, when a general election was held and parliamentary government was restored and the new post referendum Conservative manifesto was (just) authorised.

Conclusion

The devolution experiment introduced in 1997 was not the first, 76 years earlier another attempt had been made. In 1921, a very grand and elaborate devolution scheme was introduced in Northern Ireland. It was brought to an end by the British Parliament in 1970.

While the referendum mechanism is now a regular “go to” instrument for both Conservative and Labour parties in and out of government when they wish to get an unpopular measure into legislation without an election, the devolution referendums of 1997 had set the referendum ball rolling.

 Legislative authority in the United Kingdom cannot be separated on a territorial basis and attached to a territorial electorate and institution. As we have seen over the decades this leads to division and political conflict. Administrative devolution (local government) does not create this conflict because council's do not have legislative power or a political personality to challenge national authority. 

The referendum in our unitary constitution is limited to being an opinion poll as no authority can be in it. The United Kingdom is an integral and unitary state. Authority is integral and unitary (singular) and only contained in and excerised and transmitted through parliamentary constituency election.

Authority in the United Kingdom can only be in one place at one time.

This is the lesson of the nature of authority in our country as experienced through legislative devolution and the referendum device.

 Whether you measure the success or failure of legislative devolution in political or money terms the experiment has failed.

 It is not just a political distraction, it has taken the United Kingdom to the edge of complete destruction while costing billions in money and materials that could have gone directly into defence, rebuilding heavy industry, schools or hospitals.

 The United Kingdom is not short of political problems, we have enough.

We could do with a one less.

  As we continue to watch the legislative devolved institutions as they are given more powers and promised more powers by both the Conservative and Labour parties, we can see it causing further friction, further division of the nation and generating more referendums and wasting yet more resources.

 The anti-devolutionists of the 1970’s and 1980’s were right.

 20 years after the introduction of legislative devolution the evidence of the division, the damage and the expense that it has created is in front of us.

 We must learn and we must act.

 If we do not then the complete dis-integration of the United Kingdom will take place.

We must repeal legislative devolution, restore local government and ban referendums.